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Minkowski ecosystem is to a special telephone in four laws. International Monetary Fund. Please improve rising us by listening your effect eurozone. Mufassal defter. TT80 Selim I; early 16th century . The most detailed mufassaldefter for the Morea as a whole. TT Sultan Siileyman I, kanuni; midth century . Contains the tax regulations kanunname of the Morea.
TT midth century. TT A. Icmaldefter of Modon Methoni , Holomi? Mufassaldefter of the Morea. On the conversionof Islamic dates to the Christiancalendar,see Freeman-Grenville We here give the Christianyear in which the first day of the Islamic year fell. For a descriptionof the 16th-century deftersrelevantto the Morea, see Alexander , pp. Alexander; Beldiceanuand Beldiceanu-Steinherr, See Beldiceanuand Beldiceanu-Steinherr for a study of partsof this document relevantto the region of Corinth.
Corinth is variouslyspelled in Ottoman defters Pitcher , p. Beldiceanuand Beldiceanu-Steinherr , p. Alexander , p. See Barkan, pp. Alexander , pp. This document also contains a kanunname:Alexander a, pp. Askeriye Military Affairs. List of gunpowder-makers barutriyan and musket-sellers of the fortresses of the Morea, Egriboz Euboia , kundakypyan and Karli-eli Aitolia. Mufassal defter of Arkadiye Arkadia and Anavarin Navarino. Record of the takeover of Venetian and local property.
Lists of landholdings in the Morea, including new Muslim as well as old Christian and Venetian owners of urban property. Venetian possessions that were in Ottoman hands prior to are especially noted. There is less detail than in TT, a document that it probably summarized. Ahkam imperial orders ,? The ahkam defters that contain references to the Morea in the 18th and 19th centuries include: MoraAhkam Defters vol. There is a second manuscript of TT in Ankara,but the Istanbul version appearsto be the original.
The Istanbulregisteris pp.
The Ankaraversion Tapu ve KadastroGenel Midiirliigi 15 must have been a copy made to present to the sultan and is adornedwith miniatures vegetativeornaments and thick gilded frames. TT and TT must date to Sikayetdefterspertain to imperial ordersissued in responseto petitions by the reaya,in contrastto the ahkam defters,which areresponsesto petitions by provincialofficials and the military.
The miihimme,ahkam, and? They contain scattered references to the Morea and are an especially significant source for the study of relationships between center and periphery and for insights regardinglocal problems. Because there are hundreds of volumes, they have not yet been examined in detail for information relevant to the area of Anavarin, but selected cases recorded in them are discussed in Chapter 1. In addition to the preceding sources, reference is made in a few instances to information drawn from financial records of the office of the head accountant BayMuhasebedefters ,and of the Topkapi Palace Cevdet Saray.
Soon after Zarinebaf's return to the United States in the fall of , we discovered the extraordinarytoponymic richness of TT and realized its particularhistorical significance. Its text had been preparedimmediately following the Ottoman reconquest of the Morea in Venice abandoned Anavarin-i cedid on August 10, the conquest of the Morea was completed when Manafge Monemvasia surrenderedon September 7, and TT was alreadyregistered in Istanbul on January 15, The modern towns of Hora and Gargaliani were in the kaza of Arkadiye centered on modern Kyparissia,formerly called Arkadia , while the village of Maryeli"7and its immediate vicinity belonged to the kaza of Andrusa.
Zarinebaf made a second study trip to Istanbul in the late summer and early fall of Her principal goal on that occasion was to gather Such alacritymay not have been unusual. On Crete it is clear that a cadastralsurveywas carriedout between A. The grandvizier,KopriiluFazil Ahmed Pasha, the conquerorof Crete, left the island in the spring of , and Greene , p. We thought that the information about settlement and land use recordedin TT could profitably be contrastedwith similarinformation for the yearsA. See this volume, passim, and Davies Their methods are describedin Chapter 3.
See Lee with regardto the modern history and materialcultureof this village. By the time of the GreekRevolutionin , thesevillagesconstituteda singlecentercalled Hores. Also in , Zarinebafexaminedtax-farmingregisters mukataca defters forpartsof the 18th century DBSM ,, These recordslist annualrevenuesforvarioustypesof tax-farms suchas the sheep tax,taxon oliveoil, the headtax[cizye]fromvillages,andcustomsdues by district,with the name of the tax-farmer miiltezim indicated. Most taxfarmersin AnavarinwereJanissaryagas, that is, membersof garrisons stationedin the Morea.
See, e. The Expedition scientifique, founded in through an act of the Frenchgovernment,conducted an archaeological,botanical,entomological, epigraphical,geological, and zoological surveyof the Morea from to Presumablythe plural"Hores"was used instead of the singular"Hora"because the settlement consisted of more than a single village. It is ourpleasureto expressour appreciationto those who havehelpedus in this project. First and foremost,we aregratefulto the administration Archivesin Istanbul,for theirgenerosityin and staff of the Bagbakanhk permittingZarinebafto studythe Ottomandocumentsdiscussedin this volume, and for giving her continuingaccessto the Ottoman archives.
Shethanks ProfessorHalil inalcik,who taught her how to question the traditional of the Ottomanempirethroughcriticalstudyof sourcesin historiography the centralarchivesas well as local documentation. Bennet and Davis appreciatethe assistanceof the manyresidentsof Messeniawho weresubjectedto barragesof questionsduringvisitsto their villagesandfieldsin and ,but who answeredwith patienceand AndreasHrysovolisandPanayiotisPapahrysanthakis kindness,particularly of Lefki Mouzousta , and Thanasis P.
Koulafetis of Romanou. They acknowledge the help they received from Papa-Fotis,Yiannis and Vicki Markopoulos, and the Matsakas family of Hora, who gladly sharedtheir knowledge of their community and its geography with them. They arealso gratefulfor the company of their PRAP colleague, Sharon Stocker,who toleratedtheir sometimes excessiveenthusiasm for this project, while trying to make headway in her own research.
Her support, and that of Debi Harlan, who accompanied them in Messenia in , has been critical to the success of our enterprise in Greece, in the United Kingdom, and in the United States. Rosemary Robertson transformedour crude computer-generatedmaps into the works of art that grace this book. Bill Alexander and Paul Halstead helped to conduct interviews in Messenia. Wolpert, who have ably served the project as researchassistants in Cincinnati. Hamish Forbes of the University of Nottingham read most of our manuscript in draft and rescued us from many pitfalls in interpreting the agriculturaldata recordedin TT Malcolm Wagstaff and Pamela Catling sharedwith us their knowledge of Ottoman Greece, while Thurstan Robinson freely offered his expertise in matters concerning the integration of archaeological data and Ottoman texts.
Jennifer Moody and Dick Grove supplied us with recent bibliographyregardingclimate change in the southern Aegean. Sharon Gerstel helped us obtain obscure publications.
Siriol Davies has been a constant source of encouragement and support. David Hernandez assisted in the translation of Spanish sources, Hiiseyin Oztiirk in checking modern Turkish references. Our research would not have been possible without the resources of the Burnam Classics Library of the University of Cincinnati and the enthusiasm of its staff, in particularJean Wellington, Jacquie Riley, Michael Braunlin, and David Ball.
Michael Fitzgerald, our senior editor in the Publications Office of the American School of Classical Studies at Athens, worked miracles with our text, after it was initially edited by Sherry Wert. Sarah George Figueira deserves thanks for typesetting and layout;Carol Stein, Timothy Wardell, and SaraLerner for help with proofreading; and last, but not least, Kay Banning, for preparing the index. Finally, we all gladly acknowledge financial support from the National Endowment for the Humanities and from the Semple Fund of the Department of Classics at the University of Cincinnati, which also awarded a Margot Tytus Visiting Scholar fellowship to Bennet in the spring of In this book,the pluralformsof Turkishwordsor phrasesareusuallyrepresented by the simple addition of-s or -es to the singular form.
TT, defines a do'niim as equivalent to 40 hatves q. Finance Bureau records of the Finance Bureau bronze coin dead and marginalland usually reclaimedby the state a large farm with no permanent settlement; deserted land or village cultivated by a nearby village Islamic college primary Qurcan Koran school press lentils small mosque land owned by a monastery income, salary given in trust for a pious use; held in abeyance place fruits governorship of a province belonging to the ruler or state district governor see hass-i mirmiran scales or balance lump-sum first payment of a tax contractor detailed tax-survey register guard registrar tax collector appointed by the governor office of the tax collector market inspector miitenevvece reciprocation official who collates documents contract; tax-farm contract garrison soldiers of a fortress deputy lieutenant-governor and collector of taxes unmarried man; household headed by a bachelor inspector Muslim priest or expounder of the law; member of the ulema q.
Votime roson t A ion lye Limassol Badi. The Ooman eastern Mediterranean and Ottoman Greece. Davis, who are both engaged in regional studies in Greece. The value of this collaboration should be clear to archaeologists,since the new information contained in this volume sheds light on a little-known period of the past and demonstrates the enormous contribution that a study of documents in the Ottoman archives can make to the reconstruction of local histories of settlement, land use, and toponymy.
At the same time, this example from Greece offers Ottomanists a case study that can be employed, in comparison with others focused elsewhere in the Ottoman empire, to examine regional variationin social structure, demography, forms of property, and the commercialization of agriculture. The conclusions arealso obviously relevantto ongoing controversies in Ottoman studies, such as the so-called fiftlik debate. Bakirtzis, pp. Importantexceptionsinclude Hahn ; and Vroom , ; see also Vionis ; Shelton Once they are dated, the pottery and other commonplace objects that are found in abundance in the Greek landscape generally allow archaeologists to determine where people lived, worked, and moved within a landscape.
However, the sequence and range of pottery types and styles produced and consumed in post-Byzantine Greece are, at present, poorly understood. If it is true, as Haralambos Bakirtzis, a leading Greek ceramic expert, could write just a little over a decade ago, that "Byzantine pottery is a relatively unknown chapter of Byzantine Archaeology,"' this statement is all the more accurate for the post-Byzantine period.
Though others have now joined Bakirtzis in amplifying our knowledge of Byzantine and contemporary Frankish wares-so much so that a substantial list can be added to his bibliography-studies of Ottoman and other modern wares are still few and far between, and our knowledge of the coarser and more plain types that were, after all, most plentiful in everyday use remains sparse. First,thereis still a tendencyto ignorerelicsfromperiods of Ottoman dominationbecausethey representan unwelcomereminder of Greece'scolonial andeastern past.
Many scholarsconsiderthe Ottoman past to be of little interestwhen set next to the glories of ancient Greece, Rome, and Byzantium. Besides,thereis a long tradition, beginningwith JohannJoachimWinckelmann,of studyingwhat might be termedthe "high"materialcultureof classicalantiquity. But in the more recentpast, particularlyin periodswhere there are "Western" historicalaccountsanddocumentaryrecordsof eventsin Greeklands,what couldmaterialculturecontribute?
The answer,as always,lies in the questions. Undoubtedly,studyof the materialcultureof medievalandearlymodernGreekruralsettlementwill not directlyanswera questionsuch as "Why did the battle of Lepanto occur? More relevantto the present study,however,is the wayan examinationof materialevidencecanbe used to developa systematicand detailedunderstandingof the natureand distributionof settlementand land use, which can then be linked to documentaryinformationaboutthe waysin whichthe landscapeandits inhabitantswereexploited.
The equationalsooperatesin reverse:detailedstudy of documentaryevidencecanhelpwith the interpretationof the socialand politicalaspectsof distributionsof materialculturewithin a landscape. Only a relativelysmallfractionof those archivedwrittenrecordsthat arepotentiallyof the most use to archaeologistsactivelystudyinglate medieval and early modern Greece is yet availablein accessiblepublished format.
Regionalstudiesprojectsprecedingoursattemptedto uncovernew informationrelevantto the reconstructionof patternsof modernsettlement and land use by commissioningspecialhistoricalstudiesof the regions they examined. These investigationswere successful,but limitedin scope,as relativelyfew resourceswereinvestedin supportof the research. The MinnesotaMesseniaExpeditiontook the lead, as in so manyother aspectsof regionalstudiesin Greekarchaeology. PeterTopping,a professionalhistorianof medievalandearlymodernGreece,wasenlistedto write a political, economic, and social history of Messenia, one that was in part based on new data gathered in the course of his own investigations in the archives of Venice.
For example, although Venetian 3. As notedin Herzfeld, Baramand pp. Topping Topping ; inalclk b. Topping's own discussion of landholding under Frankish, Ottoman, and Venetian domination is similarly detached from any discussion of specific archaeological discoveries and from programs of archaeological investigation organized by William A. McDonald and Richard Hope Simpson. In the southern Argolid also, the full archaeological potential of detailed Venetian cadastral maps' is still to be realized.
No published study has yet attempted to relate the information contained in these documents to artifact distributions, although such research is planned;9 it is clear that parts of the Venetian agricultural system remain fossilized in contemporary field divisions and arteries of communication.
This will clearly be the most direct way in which archaeologists will be able to relate the evidence contained in such texts to the spatially variable artifact distributions recorded. Longnon andTopping , pp. See Topping Jameson, Runnels, and van Andel , p. Badekas , p. On these issues see, e. Davis et al. Many Ottoman historians, on the other hand, considered the story of the territories that today constitute the nation-state of Greece to be peripheral to that of the massive Ottoman empire as a whole and therefore paid little attention to these areas.
Regional histories rooted in Ottoman documents are being written by scholars based in Greece. In the s Bennet and Davis had, with other colleagues, organized regional archaeological studies in southwestern Greece, in the province of Messenia, in the district that was known as Pylos in antiquity. Their objective was to use this purely archaeological evidence, in conjunction, where possible, with textual records, to examine the complex interrelations between humans and the landscapes of Messenia in all periods of the past, including the more recent.
They hoped that they would ultimately find themselves in a position to compare these interrelations at various times in the past in order to define the longterm patterns that have existed in the same region under a variety of political and economic systems, both those that developed internally and those that were externally imposed. Their own projectwas not unusual in casting a broad net over the past and defining such ambitious goals.
Regional archaeological expeditions that focus on the recovery of remains of only a single period of the past are rare in Greece today. The term "diachronic"has come to be chanted as a mantra so commonplace that it may be assumed, if it is not expressed. Nearly all archaeological surveys aim to collect material remains of all periods of the past and at least claim to devote equal effort to their analysis. Already at the start of PRAP it was clear to them, on the basis of their own past experiences in organizing similar archaeological research projects in other parts of Greece, that contrary to the expectations of a nonarchaeologist, their goal of reconstructing patterns of settlement and land use might prove more difficult to achieve for the later medieval and early modern periods than for the classical period i.
For reasons alreadydiscussed, they imagined that they would need to take extraordinarymeasures with reference to the study of these periods to ensure that they would be able to achieve their objectives of producing a truly diachronic history of the Pylos area from the time that it was first settled by the Middle Paleolithic, as it now seems to the present day,with regard to both the study of artifacts of these periods and the examination of documents from relevant archives.
From an archaeological perspective, they had before them as models the published work of projects similar to their own that have, in fact, paid a great deal of attention to modern material remains. Notable in this regard is the Southern Argolid Exploration Project,which has recently published an entire volume containing archaeological, ethnoarchaeological, anthropological, historical, and ethnohistorical examinations of their study area from the 18th to the 21st centuries.
Sutton Mee and Forbes ; see also Forbesa. See also Cooper , which is concerned specificallywith documenting medieval and modern village architecturein the northwest Peloponnese. For a full reporton Davies's work, see Davies We thank her for making the resultsof her research availableto us in advanceof publication.
We were in part encouragedto form partnershipsbetween historians and archaeologistsbecauseof the successesof the Cambridge-Bradford Boiotia Expedition,which had made extensiveuse, through the expertiseof Machiel Kiel, of Ottoman-period documentaryevidence:e. It is encouragingthat other regionalarchaeologicalprojects are now also investing substantial resourcesin the study of the Ottoman period. See pp. See also Bennet, Davis, and Zarinebaf-Shahr In order to gather documentary evidence, we needed to bring new members to the PRAP team.
Susan E. Alcock, co-director within PRAP for historical studies, thereforeenlisted the help of two historians:Siriol Davies, an expert on Venetian Greece, particularlythe Morea Peloponnese , and Fariba Zarinebaf, an Ottoman historian and coauthor of this volume. Among other things, these texts have yielded a wealth of information about the older Ottoman land-management system in which rights to exploit agriculturalresources were assigned to cavalrymen sipahis as benefices known as timars. These individuals were consequently obligated to provide military service to the state.
The texts also contain valuable information concerning a newer system in which rights to collect income from particularlands were sold at auction as tax-farms, and about the process of transition between the two systems that occurred in the 18th century.
The first translations of these documents by Zarinebaf brought with them difficulties of comprehension, and it soon became obvious that their interpretation would not be straightforward. For example, we were astounded and initially baffled by the staggering amount of toponymic information contained in them. Although some of the toponyms recorded by Ottoman administratorsremain in everyday use and were easily recoverable, and others were recorded on old maps, many had not survived in official governmental usage of the later 20th century and consequently could not be found on contemporary maps.
These were highly localized names of the sort likely to be familiar only to farmers who still cultivate fields in a specific area. In almost all instances, the transliteration or, at times, translation of Greek names into Turkish written in the Ottoman script made it still more difficult to determine the location of a place. The toponymy of the documents needed to be deciphered if they were to be of any practical use to archaeologists, since only in this way would it be possible to reconstruct a map of settlement and land use that might be compared to artifactdistributions.
This much seemed clear. What was less obvious at the time was that the documents had the potential to provide substantial information relevant to the economic and social history of the region, if close attention was paid to spatial differences in the status of the settlements recorded and in the nature of agriculturalproduction.
Historians have tended to be concerned with population and production levels within larger regions of the Ottoman empire, but we have found that such a macroscopic perspective runs the risk of failing to observe microregional variations that can be highly indicative of significant economic and social changes within the larger region. Duties have been distributedas follows. Bennet and Davis have contributed their expertise in Greek archaeology and linguistics. They have mapped toponyms in the documents, and, since both have had a long-standing interest in the agrarian history of Ottoman Greece, they have been able to orient the team's work amidst relevant historical studies published in the modern Greek language.
Zarinebaf, as a historian, has written a general social and economic history for the Ottoman Morea, within which the specific trajectory of the Pylos area may be understood and may be related to broader problems of general interest to all Ottomanists. For this endeavor she has drawn on hundreds of documents, nearly all of which she has examined in the original.
Her overview provides a context within which any specific Ottoman document can be considered in greater detail. In addition, Zarinebaf's conclusions will be invaluableto members of PRAP as, in accordancewith that project's objectives, they turn in the future to the composition of a diachronic social and economic history of the area. It was decided that the centerpiece of this volume would be the publication and analysis of pages of an Ottoman tax register, Tapu Tabrir TT , dated early in A.
Our study of these pages constitutes the most complete examination of a late Ottoman tahrir published to date. Pages record the first complete cadastralsurvey mufassaldefter of the district kaza of Anavarin Navarino , an area within which most of the region explored by PRAP fell, compiled by Ottoman administrators after the expulsion of the Venetians from the Peloponnese only months earlier. Data from Venetian censuses and other documents for the period provided a solid toponymic baseline, giving us a general idea of the settlement pattern that we might expect to find in the Ottoman document.
Although Bennet and Davis are both archaeologists, and although we trust that the publication of this volume will in the long run substantially improve our knowledge of the archaeology of early modern Greece, the actual archaeological analysis contained in it is limited. It is not our purpose in publishing this particular book to demonstrate comprehensively how textual and archaeologicalsources can be employed to illuminate each other. We do provide several specific examples of how the information in TT might be integrated with artifactualdata collected by PRAP, but it would have been inappropriatein this volume to have advanced that venture further.
First, PRAP's programof archaeologicalfieldwork completed The pioneering efforts of Sauerwein were especiallyuseful to us. As a consequence, the majority of the places recorded in TT have not yet been targets of archaeological investigation. Second, in part for the reasons mentioned earlier, the chronology of the archaeological data that have been collected by PRAP is coarse, usually making it impossible to date individual artifacts to periods shorter than a century or more. It thus makes little sense to analyze the archaeological data in the light of a single document composed at a very specific point in time.
In our view, a much better strategy will be to study PRAP's archaeological data comprehensively at a later date, in the light not only ofTT but also of other Ottoman documents and the rich Venetian sources now published by Davies. Davies Zarinebaf-Shahr and Zarinebaf in press. The themes that she considersin Chapter 1 providefor the first time a view of processesat work in the Morea that were also more globally in operationin the Ottoman empire as a whole see, e.
Some parts of it contain translations of primary sources e. Others analyze and explain the content of the translated Ottoman documents, or provide a general historical context for understanding them. In Chapter 1, Zarinebaf presents her first tentative social and economic history of the Morea, from its initial conquest by the Ottomans in the 15th century until the Greek Revolution of , employing data extracted from the documents she examined in Istanbul and from other primary and secondary sources.
It is, to the best of our knowledge, the first time that anyone has attempted to write such a history based principally on Ottoman, rather than Greek and Venetian, sources. Chapter 1 also serves to provide a general context in which TT must be understood. Zarinebaf's interest in and knowledge of the 18th century, in particular,is rooted in her dissertation, which examined another frontier region of the Ottoman empire, Azerbaijan, and in her forthcoming examination of the social history of Istanbul in the 18th century. The introduction to Chapter 2 also includes a translation and discussion of the imperial law code kanunname that mandated the collection of the information contained in this mufassal defter.
Chapter 3 consists entirely of an analysis of the toponymy of the part of TT translated in Chapter 2. We review all the evidence we were able to collect pertaining to the location of each of the taxable units recorded in TT, whether piftliks quasi-commercial farms , villages karyes ,or deserted lands that were capable of supporting settlement mazracas. This painstaking analysis has allowed us to compose a nearly complete map of settlement and land use in the district of Anavarin at the beginning of the 18th century.
The construction of the map allows us in Chapter 4 to discuss in detail the agricultural system that operated in the district of Anavarin in and to consider population density, land use, and settlement within the district and their spatial distribution. Chapter 5 summarizes our conclusions and their significance for historians and archaeologists alike. Several appendixes offer additional data or commentary on the information presented in the body of the book. In both cases, the substantial standing remains of the forts are discussed, as well as relevant travelers'accounts and Venetian and Greek documentary sources.
Several concordances and a glossary will, we hope, assist users in findnames of people and places that are recorded in the text of TT ing translated in Chapter 2, and in understanding technical Ottoman, Venetian, and Greek vocabulary. Concordance I includes a complete list of the names of taxpayers i.
Concordance II contains Muslim names. This CD also contains copies of photographs published in this volume, preparedby Evi Gorogianni, that may be enlarged for closer inspection. Many of these are in color, whereas illustrations in the book are in black and white only. We are confident that Ottomanists, Balkan historians, and archaeologists will benefit from this volume and that our collaboration will make significant contributions to all of these fields.
It was a challenge to communicate among the three of us across the gulfs between two very different disciplines with varied methodologies and histories of scholarship,but we hope that the fruits of this undertaking will open the door for more interdisciplinary and regional projects that address Ottoman and Balkan studies.
The products of our collaborative efforts have far exceeded the expectations we had when we began the researchthat resulted in this publication. The Ottoman period in Balkan history has generally been regarded pejoratively as the time of the "Turkishyoke," a period that lasted for four to five centuries and resulted in the decline of local economies and cultures. The attention of Balkan historians has consequently been focused on "proto-nationalist" resistance to growing Turkish oppression, and the "inevitable"demise of the Ottoman empire and rise of Balkan nation-states in the 19th and 20th centuries.
Noticeably lacking have been comparative studies of or debates about variationin the structureof Turkish rule acrosstime and space, transformations in its nature, or causes of its disintegration. In recent years, however, it has become clear that Ottoman archives offer scholars an opportunity to examine the internal dynamics of Turkish rule in the Balkans, using vast and largely untapped collections of documents that cover some four hundred years.
The history of the 18th-century Ottoman Morea has, however,been much exploredby Greek and Western scholarsemploying primarysources drawnfrom the archivesof Venice and of the majormercantilepowers. Sakellariou'sexamination of the socalled Second TurkishOccupationlaid the essentialfoundationson which more recent scholarshiphas built. Kremmydas'sstudy of the externaleconomy of the Morea, based on Frencharchivalsources,remains indispensible.
For a standardGreek perspectivebased mostly on selective secondarysources,see Vacalopoulos For a more balancedapproach incorporatingsome Turkisharchival material,see Alexandera, b; and Dimitriades ForWestern scholarshipbased on secondarysources, see Jelavich For an importantcollaborative study of late medievaland early modern Greece by Byzantinistsand Ottomanists, see Bryerand Lowry Balta , has utilized the central Turkisharchivesfor her studies of parts of centralGreece and the island of Euboia Egriboz during the early Ottoman period.
McGowan'swork is also based on Ottoman sourcesand sheds a great deal of light on the patternsof economic transformationin the Balkansand Morea during the 17th and 18th centuries. IO CHAPTER I particularlyduring the 18th century,when the economy and society of the empire entered a crucial transitional phase that radicallyaltered the way in which provinces such as the Morea were administered. At the conclusion of this chapter I discuss this transitional period and consider especially what can be deduced from the text of TT about changes that were occurring in the early 18th century in the nature of Ottoman administration in the district of Anavarin.
But first I provide some of the extensive background that is necessary for the full comprehension of this complex topic. There follows, therefore, a consideration of the effects that the Ottoman conquest of the 15th century A. I next discuss the structure of the classical system of administration imposed by the Ottomans on the Morea after the conquest of the 15th century, including the quasi-feudal Ottoman timar system, in which benefices of land were granted to warriors who had participated in the conquest of a new territory.
I then describe how large-scale tax-farming, managed centrally from Istanbul, replaced the timar system. I explicate the factors that were promoting the emergence of quasi-commercial farms fiftliks in many parts of the Ottoman empire in the 18th century. Finally, I examine the impact of these developments on the society of the Morea and the conditions of the peasantry. A close examination of the nature of the Ottoman conquest and rule will shed light on social and economic changes.
Mehmed II conquered the Byzantine state of the Morea when a civil war broke out in between two despots, Thomas Palaiologos and his brother Demetrios. According to Babinger, this internal conflict and subsequent Albanian ravages and violence against the local Greek population caused great distress in southern parts of the Morea. Moreover, Ottoman punitive expeditions in the north resulted in great losses in to the local populations of Patras and Corinth, among other places in the Morea.
Thomas continued his defiance with the aid of a small papal contingent men during the governorship of Turhanoglu Omer Bey in mid For the best exposition of this debate, see Bryerand Lowry For examplesof the former,see Vryonis ; Vacalopoulos; Topping , p. For examplesof the latter,see inalclk ; Lowry ; Kiel a.
See also notes 2 and 11 here, and inalclkand Murphey Babinger, pp. The Morea at that time consisted of a Byzantine despotate and variousVenetian holdings see Zakythinos He was granted a salaryand was sent to Edirne Adrianopolis. All of the Morea then acceptedOttoman rule except for severalfortresses,among which were Hulomuc, our Holomi? Hlemoutsi , Salmenik the location is uncertain;a "Selmenico"is mentioned by S.
Magno in Hopf , p. The populationsof those taken by force were put to the sword or taken into slavery. Their monasteriesand churcheswere convertedinto mosques. The inhabitantsof the Morea were made subjectto religiousand customkadis,and garriary taxes. Sancakbeys, son commanderswere appointed.
Abundant booty was taken by soldiers and every tent had a slave market inalcik and Murphey , p. Venice retainedNafplion and Monemvasiauntil Miineccimbagi, pp. For the constructionof the fortress,see Appendix IV. Seliniki Mustafa Efendi , p. See also Appendix III. Thomas agreed to pay 3, gold pieces as tribute and to evacuate his troops from the Peloponnese. The following spring, Mehmed II decided to lead a second expedition. This he did, in March , with the help of Zaganos Pasha, his commander and the newly appointed governor of Thessaly and the Morea, in order to remove both Demetrios and Thomas permanently and pacify the Peloponnese.
Thomas fled with his family to Messenia with the help of Venetians, ending up in Corfu in July Ali Pasha and Kapudan Davud Pasha subsequently attacked the fortress of Anavarin-i atik which had originally been built by the Frankish Saint Omer family in the 13th century by land and sea. Koron submitted peacefully, and Ali Pasha became the governor of the Morea. Venice reoccupied Anavarin with the aid of some local Greeks only a few months later, in Bayezid ordered Ali Pasha and Kemal Reis, the commander of the Ottoman navy, to attack, and Ottoman forces retook the fortress and killed 3, Christians.
Much later, between and , in response to a continuing Western threat from the sea, the fortress of Anavarin-i cedid was built inside the sheltered Bay of Anavarin. Ottoman chronicles attest a loss of population at the hands of Ottoman forces and the flight of many residents to Europe. But the chronicles are silent concerning the nature of the post-conquest period, which largely remains to be explored through the investigation of unpublished archival sources. Fortunately,Ottoman archives have lately become increasingly accessible, resulting in significant discoveries relevant to the history of Ottoman Greece.
The best source for the study of demographic patterns and economic trends in the Morea are mufassaldefters detailed tax registers , which are available for times from the post-conquest period until They may contain detailed information about the number of Muslim and non-Muslim tax-paying households specifying if the head of the household is a single or married man, or a widow , agriculturaland urban revenues, and official prices narhs in villages and towns throughout the Ottoman empire.
A mufassaldefter or tapu tahrir was usually prepared immediately after the conquest of a new territory,once central control had been established. In principle, the registers were then updated for tax purposes every 30 to 40 years. The study of a series of tax registersfor a given district or province over a period of time can yield important conclusions concerning population 12 CHAPTER I trends, social developments, economic activities, and fiscal policies.
The first detailed tax register for the Morea was preparedin , immediately after the conquest by Mehmed II. A second followed during the reign of Selim I Turks represented only about 15 percent of the total population of the Morea in Lowry's study of the island of Limnos during the first decades of Ottoman rule produced similar conclusions. He has demonstrated that since the island was conceded peacefully by Venice to Mehmed II in , neither its administrative structure nor its ethnic constitution changed significantly.
Limnos was ruled from to by Demetrios Palaiologos, as an Ottoman vassal,in exchange for a tribute of 3, gold coins. For an excellent example of interdisciplinarystudy of Palestine and partsof Syriabased on taputahrirs,see Hitteroth and Abdulfattah ; figures and maps in their work describethe religiouscomposition of the population of districts fig.
TT10, pp. Beldiceanuand BeldiceanuSteinherr Beldiceanuand BeldiceanuSteinherr, p. Taxes on olive-oil productionrepresentedless than 0. Lowry , p. Lowry , pp. See also Topping , pp. Kiel a, TT80, p. TT, p. TT, pp. TT, an icmaldefter,may have been based on the earlierTT80, a mufassaldefter,explaining in part the similaritiesin the statisticscontained in the two documents.
I have not located a mufassal defterfor the period Consequently,it is importantto note that any conclusions drawnfrom the data in TT may be based on partialsurveys. Kiel , pp. Topping , emphasizes the transferof Kizslba? These are possibly representedin the cadastralsurveyfor TT80 , where 64 Muslim householdswere recordedin the town of Modon see Table 1. See also Gerstel a, p. Demographic developments in central Greece during the first century of Ottoman rule paralleled those in the Morea and on Limnos. Kiel's studies of Boiotia based on 15th- and 16th-century tax registershave shown that the population of the towns and villages in his sample quadrupled between and This represents a remarkable demographic expansion, one that appears to have been accompanied by economic growth and a general level of prosperity.
The populationof southwesternMessenia, including the districtofModon, seems to have remained stable after the Ottoman conquest. Table 1. In the reign of Selim I , the fortress of old Anavarin a hass, or private holding had 31 households 8 Muslim and 23 Christian; Table 1. In fact, the evidence reviewed above suggests that in the 16th century, economic stability and a fairly even tax burden served to discourage flight of the peasantry to the towns from the countryside, as was also the case in Anatolia at CHAPTER 14 I TABLE 1.
Social and economic stability in the Morea lasted until the economic crisis of the late 16th and the 17th centuries. In the meantime, the ethnic and religious constitution of the district ofAnavarin did not change greatly during the 16th century. In the reign of Selim I, the majority five of eight of Muslim reayain the old fortress of Anavarin seem to have been converts to Islam, with names such as "Hizir son of Abdullah.
The ransoming of these individuals offered an important source of revenue to officials in the Ottoman frontier provinces. Those who were not ransomed had the option of converting to Islam to gain their freedom. In addition, when the Ottomans conquered an area controlled by Venice, previously Venetian subjects might convert to Islam in order to retain privileges or to move up the social scale.
Abdullah "slaveof God" was a surname usually given to manumitted Christian slaves and converts. The larger Muslim community in Modon during the 16th century was more diverse and included few converts who carriedthe epithet Abdullah only 8 of 64 hanes. To finance its war efforts, the Ottoman state relied heavily on revenues from the cizye poll tax collected directly by the central treasury.
Therefore, it generally did not support forced conversion of the non-Muslim reaya. The social pressureto convert must have been considerable,however, in areaswhere the majority of the population was Muslim. Furthermore, an increase in the amount of the cizye must also have indirectly encouraged conversion in the second half of the 16th century.
But it is also obvious that tax collectors and tax-farmersresented the tax-exempt privileges of the converts. Conditionsin Anatoliawere similarlydisturbedduringthe second half of the 16th centuryby the great economic and monetarycrisis that occurredin the Ottoman empire at that time, and by the Celali rebellions see below.
For furtherdiscussion of demographic change specificallyin the district of Anavarin,see Chapter 4. BaybakanlikArchives , p. Turkmen to Modon and Koron. Evidence other than population statistics also supports a picture of economic stability in the 16th century. The number of uncultivated and abandoned units of agricultural land mazracas dropped by 30 percent between the time of the cadaster of Selim I and that of Siileyman, while the number of villages increased slightly.
The Ottoman state encouraged the cultivation of abandoned and empty land mawat so that it could collect taxes on it. In the case of the district of Modon, it is likely, as elsewhere, that those mazracaswere attached to neighboring villages or fiftliks and had been brought under cultivation in response to an increase in the peasant population during the second half of the 16th century. Since tapu tahrirs for the district of Modon have not yet been found for the 17th century, any demographic history for this period must rely largely on nonarchival sources.
Existing evidence suggests, however, that there was no sharp decrease in the population in Modon before the conclusion of the wars with Venice and with the Holy League in the last quarterof the century. The decline in the Morea must have occurredsomewhat later than in central Greece, for which Kiel has described a sharp demographic decline from to , followed by a slow recoveryfrom the 18th to the early 19th centuries. Topping , p. The Kizilba? TT80, pp.
See also inalcik ; Cook ; Akdag ; Barkey; Pamuk , pp. Kiel has arguedthat peasantflight was not singly responsible for this demographicdecline, assertinginstead that, when under economic pressure,peasantsreducedfamily size by delayingmarriage. This thesis is not supported,however,with data describinghousehold size and marriage patternsin Greece. Relevantinformation can be found in the terekeregisters estates of deceased assembledby the kadi,since they recordnumbersof surviving children and heirs.
Kiel'shypothesis could be tested by examining changes in the percentageof single men miicerreds in a given populationpool over time. A recent articleby Balta that appearedtoo late to be integratedfully into the analysesin this book discusses the content of a poll-tax registerfor the Morea that was assembledin Maliyeden Miidevver defter [MM] , on the eve of the Cretanwar. As obtained by Balta, a photocopy of this registercontains no informationconcerning Anavarinor Manya Mani. According to her interpretationof this photocopy , pp. But it is important to note that MM includes only zimmi and that the photocopy excludesAnavarinand Manya.
The total populationof the Morea in must, therefore,have been considerably greaterthan 37, families. According to McGowan, the Ottoman-Holy League wars were significant causes of the loss of more than half of the population of the Morea already in Evliya visited the fortresses of Anavarin-i atik and Anavarin-i cedid, Modon, and Koron at the end of the Ottoman-Venetian wars of the 17th century, around , and he did not suggest that there had occurred a demographic or economic decline in the area by his day.
According to him, Anavarin was then part of the kaza of Modon and was administered by a He voyvoda who was based in Modon in the 16th and 17th centuries. These numbers are quite close to the number of houses recorded in the cadaster of , although his figures must always be regarded with caution.
McGowan , p. The first Venetiangovernorof the Morea estimated that the populationof the peninsula had been ,, of which only 86, remainedin his day Corner . Venetianestimates of the total populationof the Morea are not, however,entirelywithout problems; see Forsenand Karavieri There is some reasonto be skeptical of severalof these explanations.
In northernand centralEurope,the socalled Little Ice Age was a cold period that lasted approximatelythree hundred years. The coldest decadeswere the s and s Grove , ; Grove and Conterio ; Grove and Rackham, pp. In Crete, it was a time of violent fluctuationsin weather Rackhamand Moody , pp. See also Faroqhi, pp. But the long durationof this weathercycle makes it difficult to hold it responsiblespecificallyfor a decrease in populationthat occurredonly in the 17th century.
Grove writes [pers. Indeed, of the nearly60 known attestationsof the plague in the Greek peninsulain the 17th centuryprior to , only a single outbreakin the Morea is recorded: in from Patrasto Pargaand Zakynthos. In contrast,between and , under the Venetianoccupation, frequentoutbreaksare recorded: in , , , , , and Kostis , pp. There is no specific reference to an outbreakof the plague in the areaof Anavarin.
See McGowan , pp. McGowan , pp. See Chapter 4. See Appendix I. The kaza of Anavarinbecame independentonly after the Ottoman reconquestin According to MM, the poll-tax registerdated to recentlystudied by Balta ; see n. See also Appendix II, where evidence for the history of settlement in the fortressof Anavarin-i atik after Evliya'sday is discussed. The presenceof a kadi'scourt would indicate that there once existed Islamic court recordsfor this district, perhapsdestroyedduring the later Venetianand Frenchoccupationsof the fortress regardingthese occupations, see App.
These recordswould have shed great light on civilianlife and on social and economic developmentsin the community had they survivedthe greatupheavalsin the region. With regardto the struggles that led to the captureof the Morea by Venice, see Stouraiti and Marasso and Stouraiti, with the copious bibliographythere included. Davies , p. Panayiotopoulos, p. He recorded Greek houses two-story masonry structures roofed with tile and gardens, 1 inn, 1 mosque, 15 shops, and many orchards and olive groves in the outer suburb varzt ofAnavarin-i cedid.
Ifwe accept his figures,the number of both Muslim and Greek residents had increased sixfold between the midth century and the third quarter of the 17th century. The fortress of Anavarin-i cedid was a center of both military and civilian settlement during Evliya 1elebi's visit. The fortress was also the site of Ottoman religious building activity, consisting of a small religious endowment vakf established by Ferhad Aga, an Ottoman military commander.
There were two Islamic schools and certainly also a kadz'scourt see Chap. The Greeks, nevertheless, owned and operated small businesses, shops, and a workshop in the suburb outside the fortress,providing basic services and necessities for the Turkish settlers. Very few Turks lived in the villages outside the fortress,although many owned propertythroughout the district.
There appears to have been an ethnic and religious segregation in the settlement of towns and villages. The Ottoman conquest of Crete in undermined the Venetian position in the Mediterranean and the Aegean. But this victory was shortlived, since the Holy League imposed a crushing defeat on the Turkish army that resulted in a first series of Ottoman territoriallosses in Europe and the Balkans Hungary, Slovenia, the Morea in The long Ottoman-Venetian strugglesfor Crete and the Ottoman-Holy League wars, which lasted for almost three decades, resulted in economic devastation in the frontier areas and a major economic and political crisis for the Ottoman state.
Detailed Venetian cadastral surveys from this period for the area of Anavarin unfortunately have not survived,but reports of Venetian administrators and censuses are extant. The Venetian authorities consequently encouraged people from central Greece, the Aegean most notably Chios , and the Ionian islands to settle there. The fishery in Anavarin-i atik had the highest yield as a tax-farm in the territory.
The Venetians, like their Ottoman predecessors, farmed out to private individuals and groups the collection of taxes for the tithe on wheat, barley, and oil, as well as on wine, fisheries, silk, pasturage, beehives, pigs, soap, hostelries, playing 18 CHAPTER I cards, and slaughterhouses. The Venetians also initially farmed out the tithe from monasteries to private individuals. Most of the surplus cereals, olive oil, wine, wool, kermes, and silk were exported only to Venice. Ottoman forces numbering , men under the command of Grand Vizier Damad Ali Pasha defeated the Venetians and regained the Morea in September , thanks to their superior numbers 15, more men and better firepower.
Anavarin was taken peacefully,but the retreating Venetian army set fire to the fortresswhen the army of Ali Pasha approached on August 10, He ordered his troops to refrain from further violence and offered to escort the remaining Venetian forces to Corfu. The Janissaries, however, ignored his orders by enslaving the Venetians and taking booty. Discipline in the Ottoman army continued to be a problem, and by the time Ali Pasha reached Modon, the Ottoman forces had been reduced to 10, men owing to widespread desertion among the rank and file of the Ottoman troops.
Sipabi Mehmed Efendi became the were Cebecibagi defterdarof the province. The exchange of fire between the Venetian defenders and the Ottoman troops caused considerable damage to the fortresses of Koron and Modon. The Venetians themselves were responsible for destroying large parts of the two fortresses of Anavarin. TT, the Ottoman cadastral The realewas a silvercoin the size of a dollar coin employed by Venice in the Levant only as a currencyof account;see Tucci ; also Paolucci , p. On Venetiantax-farmingin the Morea in general,see Davies The corvde was convertedinto a cash fee in Brue , pp.
See also Uzungarplh, pp. Rapid, vol. Ragid , vol. The number of Greek residents in Anavarin-i cedid had dropped considerablybetween ifEvliya elebi's figures can be trusted and Many lands and gardens, described as belonging to the Muslims prior to the Venetian takeover in , remained to be returned to former owners.
TT often explicitly states that fields were not being cultivated to the extent that they had been under the Ottomans prior to It is clear that two major wars between the Ottoman empire and Venice within a span of 30 years had done substantial physical damage to human life and property and had undermined the economic health of the region. The Ottoman policy after the conquest was to nurture the economic well-being of the Morea and to encourage the local population, both Greek and Turkish, to return to their lands.
The restoration of the timar system was a priority for the Ottoman government because of the strategic importance of the Morea, the area'seconomic value as a producer of grain, and the need to provide a strong defense in the southern Morea and gain the loyalty of the local population. Therefore, an imperial order issued immediately after the conquest requested that those who had fled during the Venetian occupation come back to the Morea with their families to their homes and take possession of their property.
Ottoman officials were commanded to respect this order and to restore the property of the local Greeks and Turks. Also, the island of Euboea Egriboz was incorporated into the province liva of the Morea to help augment the revenue base. See Chapter2 of this volume for the relevanttext, and Appendixes II and III for discussionsof the condition of these fortresseswhen they were retakenby the Ottoman forces.
Lists What are lists? Binford L. A very detailed analysis of the variant traditions contained in the Odyssey will also be found in W. Wason, op. Shear Jr. The district of Mezistre and the region of Mani were home to the most violent and long-lasting peasant rebellions in the Morea. Boardman, Island Gems London: , pp.
There were over 2, villages in the Morea in the 18th centuryaccording to Uzungargqll , p. This numberis rathergreaterthan the 1, settlements recorded,probablyin , by the Venetiansas inhabited Panayiotopoulos , app. The total number recordedin was approximately the same, 1, Panayiotopoulos, app. See Appendix III. The populationthen appearsto have remainedmore or less the same about 30 households until Ragid, vol. It appearsfrom this orderthat, at the time of the Venetianconquest, the flight of Muslims and Greeks and their settlement in Istanbul had resultedin underpopulationin the Morea and losses to the local tax base.
Other imperialordersin this same volume refer to the reconversionof churchesto mosques, and to their restorationand upkeep. Another imperialorder attempted to preventholders of timars from oppressingthe reayain Modon in August Severalwho had taken propertyand wives from reayawere executed by Damad Ali Pasha Rapid , vol. The Morea also became a source of reliable income for many Istanbul-based tax-farmers who had close ties to the ruling dynasty and to officials in the central government. Channels of communication between subjects and their ruler remained open, and complaints of the reaya about official abuse received some redress in Istanbul.
It is clear that these contingents were strengthened at times when external threats to security increased. In the period , there were troops at the fortress ofAnavarin-i atik. In response to a growing Venetian menace, however, the Siileymanic census shows a fivefold increase in the Ottoman militarypresencein the fortress,to troops. In addition to Janissaries and sipahis,there were 2 fortresscommanders dizdars ,16 artillerymen topfus ,2 Janissary agas, 1 preacher hatib , and 1 prayerleader imam.
It is likely, however, that there was a large troop increase at Anavarin during the Ottoman-Venetian wars over the island of Crete According to Evliya 9elebi, Ottoman troops at Modon numbered Janissaries, garrison personnel, 24 agas in According to the Tarih-i Rapid, the official history of the Ottoman empire from to written by Ragid, 1, sword klzr timar and zecametgrants were set up in the Morea after the conquest in A year later, in , the number of troops at Anavarin-i cedid dropped to only 64 sipahis, fewer than there were at the beginning of the 16th century at Anavarin-i atik.
It is also significantly less than the sum of 21, akpesthat had been allocated as timars and zecametsin , especially when it is considered that the silver content and value of the akfe had been hugely reduced in the intervening period. The bestsourceforstudying these petitions are the volumes of? For Evliya elebi's account on Anavarin,see Appendix I. See also Loupis a, pp. Income from individualtimars was sharedamong severalindividuals. He did not hold these fiftliks alone.
Pamuk, app. Janissaries were on cash payrolls mevacibs and were listed on registers yoklamadefters separate from the sipahis.